News From the Soviet Union

From Newspaper
For USSR"
Russia

First Joint Congress of the Communist Parties of Russia and Byelorussia

"Dear comrade delegates! Honored guests of this Congress!

Ten years ago, during summer days like now, there was a process that was let loose which produced catastrophic results for the state, and for all the people who were even at that time part of a world power, the USSR and the CPSU. The formation in Russia of the Russian Communist Party at that time devastated and splintered the CPSU as a unified vanguard and dispersed other national par-ties into their national quarters.

It is precisely from this that the roots of all negative tendencies started to split the unified party such as was the CPSU. If we do not analyze this fact, we cannot give a clear and precise answer to the question as to why today there is this Congress which has as its mandate the unification of all the Communists of Byelorussia and Russia.

After 1991, the situation developed in such a way that it was hard to see or predict the confusion in the Communist ranks. We could explain it as a tremendous shock for all the communists and an unbelievable act of Gorbachev, then the General Secretary of the CPSU. After the CPSU was sold out and banned, some of the former CC CPSU leaders went into court and gave a request to form the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). Everything that began then was understandable and everything fell into place as to what was happening.

First of all, differences became evident over 5 years ago. In June of 1995 at the XXX Congress of the UCP-CPSU, a few communist parties headed by the CPRF left its ranks and then a gave statement "that this union of parties inside the UCP-CPSU does not represent a meeting of minds or even ideological positions and they also demanded that no communist party should carry the name of CPSU!" They based this on the fact that their parties want to organize themselves separately in all of the former Soviet republics. There is no need to have one unified party, as was the CPSU. At that time, the Congress delegates defeated this proposal by over 70%.

In August of the same year it became very clear that the line of the CPRF (Zyuganov) is not following its own program or the agreed upon documents that were adopted previously, and they were bent on imitating Western parliamentary opposition tactics. This policy was fraught with danger since their tactics were not based on a legitimately elected Russian government. They want to act as opposition faction in it, but it was a counterrevolutionary coup that happened in October of 1993, when this government bombarded and killed thousands of people when they bombarded with cannon fire the Supreme Soviet with its elected deputies inside.

It was shown by the CPRF position that they were only interested in parliamentary debates, getting their perks, privileges and not organizing the people, but just debating in parliament that was never elected. These are not the methods or a program of communists, but the road of social traitors. These CPRF deputies will not admit this openly, but once you go down this path as a "pocket opposition" in parliament while to the public you talk about "bloody regime" and call for the "struggle to the death" while cooperating and passing all of the anti-peoples legislation!!

At that Conference there were raised seven very sharp questions, such as:

"Why is there in the CPRF two standards - one is for the discipline of party ranks while the other allows leaders of the CPRF to do as they please without any party control?

*Are CPRF party members and their allies united by a common goal of struggling against the horrendous conditions of the people, or are they incorporating or serving corporate interests?

"Do we want a social-democratic CPRF?"

These questions were not answered by the leadership of the CPRF and were not passed by a majority of delegates, thus they remained unanswered.

When the elections to the Russian Duma were over in 1995, the CPRF with its allies practically received a majority in the Duma and we all thought that this is the time for solidifying our actions in Russia and this also had a warming up in other former Soviet republics. Our UCP-CPSU leadership did everything possible to get even an organizational cooperation in the struggle, since ideologically the party leadership were going further apart. At this time the leadership of the CPRF and Russian Communist Workers Party (RCWP) in March of 1998 signed a policy agreement between themselves, but it remained only a declaration and nothing happened to bring this cooperation into reality.

At the XXXI Congress of the UCP-CPSU that was held on November 1, 1999, a political statement was made by the UCP-CPSU and unanimously agreed upon (looking at the results of the last Russian Duma elections and also being swayed by the results) to "Recommend to all the Communist parties inside of Russia and other former Soviet republics to go into the presidential elections as a united election bloc". But the CPRF, after voting with us for a United Election Bloc, then went back on its commitment, even though it was evident that without a united Communist Election Bloc the voters will be divided and lost and thus, the bourgeois regime shall again be the winner. And that is exactly as it happened unfortunately.

Nevertheless, we fulfilled the decisions of the January 2000 Plenum where we gathered all the Communist party leaders inside the UCP-CPSU and helped to the best of our abilities to vote for the presidential candidate from the CPRF (Zyuganov). The CPRF candidate and his advisors in this election for the president took a strange position, with no initiative to try and garner all anti-regime votes. If after this debacle we, the UCP-CPSU are being blamed for the election loss, the blame is self-evident and lays squarely on the shoulders of the CPRF and its leadership.

The statement by one of the leaders of the CPRF that they "are" for unity does not hold any water at all. The CPRF is guilty of trying to set up a parallel union of parties. At our last Conference we heard facts about what the CPRF tried to do in other former Soviet republics, such as Ukraine, Armenia, Moldavia. All these attempts failed since none of them proposed a union that carried the name of the CPSU!

Before the May plenum this year of the CC of CPRF, at which I again reiterated the UCP-CPSU point of view for the union between Communists of Russia and Byelorussia... and what did the CPRF delegation do? They met on their own with the leadership of the revisionist "Party of Communists of Byelorussia". This PCB has an open policy to get rid of President Lukashenko of Byelorussia and thus try to become the party of rule or opposition. We must admit that the proliferation of many communist parties in Russia serves as a very stupid example for other Soviet republics as well as that of the world. V.I. Lenin in 1902 said: "It is one thing to name yourself a communist - it is another question of being one! It is not enough to call yourself a vanguard party, but you must be that party, so that everyone shall see that we are the vanguard!"

We stated at the January Plenum of the UCP-CPSU that the ignorance of Marxist-Leninist theory amongst some parties is one of the main factors of the disunity of the Communists. It does not take much brain to understand that the many communist parties is just what Western imperialism wants and promotes. This disunity can lead to outright fascism.

This class disunity, misunderstanding, different orientation and policies cannot consolidate our-society, it cannot unite the people... or to speak of mobilizing people for the struggles.

Why is it that at the last plenum everyone, which included also the CPRF, voted in favor of the unity between Russian and Byelorussian communists? The situation in both countries is getting more horrendous with each passing day and all of the reactionary forces are trying desperately to forestall this unity of two brotherly people.

To us - who are organizing the Communist Party of this Union of the real Marxist-Leninist type, we must give a theoretical and practical answers to all questions: what kind of society we are living in; what are our immediate and future tasks; what kind of strength is the party going to depend upon; with whom and also on what principles are we going to cooperate or go or not to go on a compromise; how do we plan to bring back the ideal of communist strength, bringing the majority people to our side?

We believe that the unity of the dedicated Communists of both countries must follow the process of unification of the republics. Officially and legally the unity between Russia and Byelorussia exists already since December of 1999. This was signed by the two presidents and ratified by the two governmental bodies. It is a fact that we as Communists are not rushing ahead by ourselves, we are even behind the official process.

We are certain that the formation of one United Communist Party, uniting Russia and Byelorussia will not bring about a weakening of our work, but it shall strengthen our ranks and dedication, give us further impulse based on real Marxism-Leninism!

Answer To Comrade Boneyto

Nina A. Andreeva

Questions raised in the letter/article by comrade Boneyto of Spain in NSC absolutely need a clear and very concise answer, not allowing even the smallest double meaning in its treatment.

This first of all pertains to the character of the present Russian government and of its class approach. Secondly - about the right of nations to self-determination. Thirdly, is it logical to use the terminology regarding the present Russian regime as a "prison of nations"? And the hardest question - the essence of events that are transpiring in Chechnya, its causes and its strength.

The answers for the first two questions are given in detail in the new program of the AUCPB, which was adopted on February 26, 2000 by the Third Conference of the party. In it is given an analysis of the bourgeois restoration in the USSR. Today's Russian government is called by its correct name of CAPITALISM and imperialistic.

About the right of nations to self-determination in our program it is written, that "AUCPB supports the right of nations to self-determination up to separation and the setting up of an independent state. The right of nations to self-determination means the possibility of any nation to set up its own government. The question of expediency of the decision to separate should be decided in all cases by the people themselves, from the question based on the class struggles of the proletariat for Socialism."

Today the separation, or the independence of Chechnya will serve only the interests of ruling Mafiosi elite, but not the majority of the working people.

Regarding the V.1. Lenin's thoughts about the Czars Russia as a "prison of nations", compared to the present Russia this should be used with great care, taking a hard look and analysis into mind, that the basic nation in this "prison" are the Russian people. The utilization of this terminology incorrectly just gives into the hands of the nationalists and all the national-chauvinists a serious trump card to artificially feed the flames of interethnic differences and strife.

Is the Russian regime a "prison of nations" or is it a friendly mufti-national family - as it was during Soviet Union time - is determined not by what are its people/nationality, nation is the leading factor, a cementing glue, but it is determined only by what social order does exist in that state.

Looking at this question from the position of class struggle of the proletariat, we can state in all certainty - YES, Russia again has become a "prison of nations." But you cannot forget for a moment, that in this "prison" the Russian people are finding themselves in a position as the prisoners, not as onlookers. To free themselves from this "prison" all of the nationalities of Russia, there is only one road - a socialist revolution, and not locking oneself in or self-separation into a very small and narrow jail cell.

Regarding the tragic events in Chechnya, you should not look at it, or even make judgments, from a position of the "Russian aggression" or the "struggle for the oil wells". The reasons and essence of the situation in Chechnya is far from national inspiration for separation or the demand for political, economical or cultural autonomy. The situation in Chechnya must be looked at as a bloody drama, all written and directed by the might and forces of international imperialism and it is the producer and director of this bloody conflict. The present situation in Chechnya - is one of the clanking chains of realization of the plans to completely dismember and also liquidate the last vestiges of the Soviet state, the weakening and fragmentation of all parts of the former USSR and even of the present Russian Federation, in the interests of international imperialism.

The methods, which were used to implement the "constitutional order" on the whole territory of Chechnya in the first campaign in 1994-1996, and even today, the regime of the Russian Federation understood and realized that an armed might is situated in the Northern Caucasus, supported by the West.

The bloody Chechen war is at the service of world imperialism, and the Kremlin and Chechen aggressors have the following aims:

* to further fan the flames of inter-ethnic conflicts

* to take the people's minds off their daily economic hardships, and to influence their thoughts and actions towards the war and pseudo-patriotism

* to put road blocks on the desire of people for unity of the former Soviet republics

* to bring forth and relocate the formed military formations of the Muslim fundamentalists from Near East (concretely from around Israel ) to North Caucasus, meaning into the territory of Russia.

And, if the leadership of Western nations, plus the different financial and united funds are now criticizing the present Russian regime's leadership about the situation in Chechnya, they are not concerned about the tragedy and suffering of the Chechen people, nor about the "human rights", but the slowness of the Russian regime to fulfill the plans of imperialism, to break Chechnya off completely from Russia, and to promote that this conflict be the detonator to bring about the complete separation of the North Caucuses from Russia.

The Chechen problem can only be solved by one road - the road of changing the social order in the country through a socialist revolution.

And one more problem that was in the article by comrade Boneyto - about the utilization of the terminology "Soviet people". If we are speaking of the people of the former Soviet republics, then this terminology should not be used because its incorrect, because today there is no Soviet government. But if we are using this term to denote those citizens of the Soviet Union, who do not and did not agree and are now struggling against the artificial political liquidation of the USSR and for the resurrection of the Soviet Union, using this terminology is correct!

Accusations Against Kuchma's Fascism in View of the Attacks and Illegal Processes Against Human Rights, Anti-Sovietism, Anti-Communism and also Treason to the Soviet Motherland

There is continuing a criminal court case against this very brave fighter for the rights of the miners, Igor V. Knyshov from the city of Krasnyj Luch, Lugansk region of Ukraine! With this speech, comrade Knyshov was prepared to speak in the court hall premises where the court case was to be held. On 3rd of August, Knyshov and his mother were returning from working a bit of land, growing potatoes (the only substance they have to sustain life) Knyshov and his mother were run down by a motorcycle whose driver is still not being looked for by the militia. Being afraid that he might miss his appointment in court to outline all the false facts against him, he approached the "Workers-Farmers Pravda" to publish his prepared speech in its pages, knowing full well that he might not get the opportunity to do so in court.

Igor Knyshov and his mother farming in today's Ukraine!

Readers of NSC are aware of comrade Knyshov and his struggles through the many articles and photos published on our pages. His article would take up 6 pages in NSC, which we unfortunately cannot afford, since space is very limited. We are just stating that having read his complete article, it contains a very detailed description of the present satiation in Ukraine, the struggles, the nationalism, bordering on fascism, which presents a very dark future for the people of Ukraine. Knyshov calls it genocide of Ukrainian people.

We apologize that we cannot give the complete text, but we are giving Igor Knyshov's home address and are asking our readers who can, to send Igor any financial help you are able, so that Igor and his mother can have food and hire a lawyer for his defense.

We publish a photo of Igor and his mother tilling by hand a piece of land and trying hard to harvest some potatoes - the only staple food they have.

Ukraine
Luganska Oblast 94500
Krasnyj Luch
UI. Malidovskoho, Dom 7, Kv. 11
Knyshov Igor Viktorovich

 Difficult awakening of the working class in Russia

V.N. Chechensev

In reply to comrade Pedroso, Miami, USA, that was published in NSC where he asks a question: "It is interesting to know as to when the Russian (Soviet) people shall awaken and state: enough, this cannot go on further!"

Of course this question is addressed to those Soviet people who did not give up or accept the loss of what Socialism brought them, with the dismemberment of the USSR and also the horrendous economic chaos. The following article I do hope shall answer some of these questions.

During scores of years the working class of Russia and then of the USSR honorably carried the earned title as the vanguard of the revolutionary struggles in the world. It was the working class, in the words of V. I. Lenin:

"…was and had undergone all the tribulations, learning, attacks, problems, of which the best people knew, fought and dedicated their lives for a brighter future and a hatred for the enemies of socialism, wherever they may be found." In their struggles for a brighter future, the working class and peasants suffered unbelievable hardships and devastation plus the loss of 27,000,000 of their sons and daughters in the Great Patriotic War with fascist occupiers.

These losses were not for nothing. The whole world changed beyond recognition in the last 100 years, first of all in the real socialism that was headed by the mighty USSR.

Today the working class is practically on its knees in Russia, the ruling bourgeoisie is becoming ever stronger and more entrenched. We must admit that the new generation of workers are not yet realizing the tragic fate of their position and the road leading out of this tragedy.

In this situation the most important question to ask is whether the present working class of Russia will be able to become a mighty force, capable of making deep rooted changes in the country, or will it go on for a long time to follow the capitalist bourgeois ideology while accepting their low status and no rights?

The bourgeoisie of the Russian society, swimming in the political murky waters during the time of "perestroika" period, after the October 1993 state coup and bloodshed are losing their credibility. The only avenue open now is a proletarian (socialist) revolution.

Without understanding the political changes that have taken place in the country, the working class cannot make a correct Marxist analysis. Today, a correct analysis must be made in order to charter the right road and tactics in order to get the working class out of this tragedy. Otherwise the present situation shall stalemate and inertia shall take over.

Just a few years ago the activists in the labor movement and communist leaders were discussing whether we have reached a revolutionary stage in the working class to institute radical changes, while some workers only fondly reminisce about those discussions and changes in society. Today, such discussions are forgotten. These workers and leaders forgot that workers in their overall mass did not accept the bourgeois state of affairs but are ready to fight for the control of the State, and socialism.

But unfortunately such understanding and dedication have not yet arrived in the working class. On May 17 of this year in the actions of protests against the draconian new laws being proposed in the new Workers Code, which would put the workers rights a hundred years back and make workers into slaves, all over Russia there took part only 300,000 protesters. These actions did not become mass actions, but they were also not militant.

In this situation there is a subjective factor that influences the working class. The long period of revisionism in the CPSU has had its demoralizing effect on the role of individual actions in the affairs of the state. The practice of the governing of the political and economic life after 1953 diminished this role. These CPSU traditions are still alive in the leadership of the CPRF, and in the leadership of many of the trade union leaders. The present idea of agreeing with the regime is promoted by the leadership of the CPRF. In part, this was seen in the demonstrations on May Day of this year.

The demands during this May Day were in fact complementing the official policy of the present regime. Slogans that were against the policies of the regime were barred by the CPRF "leadership" and were looked upon as pro-vocations.

Only at that time when this policy of "cooperation" and not the demands that are what the working class needs will be eliminated, will the communist party be able to bring up new generations of dedicated fighters, fighting for the rights of the working class and prepare them for the final struggle.

The working class shall follow the leaders who represent the demands of the workers correctly. Such leaders unfortunately are not as yet leading the struggles. But they shall come forward and very quickly.

There were exceptions, as was demonstrated by the struggles in the paper mills in the Leningrad region where the workers showed militancy. Also in the Tula region, in the machine building enterprise and in the bread enterprise of the Kurgan region plus others.

As was mentioned in NSC before, for two years the workers struggled and kept the enterprise in their hands. Court cases did go on and this communist leadership of the workers has changed the outlook of all the workers and now this is a revolutionized mass of workers. The feelings for and belief in the Communists leading these hard struggles have grown immensely. Just like the sailors of the battleship "Potemkin", these workers of the enterprise VSBK held the torch high of bravery and dedication in the struggle against raw capitalism.

On the other hand, this heroic struggle at the VSBK showed that it can be successful if it is also supported in solidarity from the working class in the cities and the rest of the country.

I have said enough to present the problem, standing in front and leading, the historical vanguard of the working class must be the Communists of Russia. If today there is still not a revolutionary situation, this does not mean that in the future no such opportunity or situation will develop.

Demonstrations in the former U.S.S.R. are gaining momentum!

A new rising of the revolutionary movement is in the making. The reforms of the last 15 years are bringing this situation to a head. Only foreign intervention could or might stop this revolutionary situation from becoming a reality. No wonder the bourgeois newspaper Vremya" dedicated to the struggle in the VSBK, where the workers there threw out the "capitalist private owners" headlined: "Workers are against private enterprise and the means of production". All the progressive people of this planet with anticipation and fervor await from the Russian working class decisive actions! To fulfill this anticipation of the progressive world forces during this generation - is our duty!

Political Conditions In Byelorussia...

The main tendencies

The enemies of the Byelorussian people, from the reactionary and pro-imperialist circles of the West, plus the Russian official media, promote to the world a completely false picture of the situation in Byelorussia. These propagandists try to instill in the minds of the people that the opposition in Byelorussia is concerned and is representing the feelings of the people, while the government of Lukashenko is doing all in order to keep itself in power by holding the Byelorussian anti-democratic elections in October of this year.

I asked a member of the Central Committee of the CPB (Communist Party of Byelorussia) which is a member of the Union Of Communist Parties-CPSU- (UCP-CPSU – Oleg Shenin leader)... the deputy chairman of the mass organization "For democracy, social progress, justice" comrade Leonid Shkolnikov, to explain the political situation in the republic. Here are the questions and answers.'

Q: How do you characterize the present situation in Byelorussia?

A: We have state capitalism as a stage of deviation from socialism (as opposed to state-capitalism as a natural stage of the development of capitalism-prior to socialism). The power in the country is being carried out by the former Soviet bureaucracy which is today's bourgeoisie. As to the personality of President Lukashenko, he is a patriot, operating in many respects as a communist.

Q: How do you explain the support for President Lukashenko by the Communist Party of Byelorussia?

A: In spite of all the facts that President Lukashenko now supports, he is not a Communist, but the policies that he conducts are-appropriate at this time for Byelorussian people and the unity between Russia and Byelorussia serves this purpose and hopefully his appeal will gather momentum by other former Soviet republics that will join together. Lukashenko does not yield to the dictates of international financial and political elite of the West.

Although in Byelorussia democratic reforms are being conducted, President Lukashenko did not allow the plunder of all the national property. The industrial enterprises are controlled by the state and so are all the agriculture land and farms. The gains of the social achievements in former Soviet years are maintained, such as regular payment of pensions, free medical aid and free education.

This policy causes hostility against Lukashenko from the imperialist West as it does against many other countries.

Q: What is the principal difference between the Communist Party of Byelorussia (CPB) and the Party of Communists of Byelorussia (PCB)?

A: Although the Party of Communists of Byelorussia calls itself communist, in actual fact it conducts its affairs in the economic and social sphere as did the former President of Byelorussia, Shushkewich (one of the three signatories that dismembered the USSR - Editor). In other words, this party is for a market economy and social-democratic policy. This was confirmed just lately when the USA's Congress agreed with everything that the Party of Communists of Byelorussia proposed and thus this PCB made an alliance with the IMF and is conducting a psychological war against Lukashenko and also accusing the present government of human rights violations etc.

The Communist Party of Byelorussia holds the opposite position.

Q: What can you tell us about the open attempt to destabilize the political situation in Byelorussia?

A: These are constant attempts. As one of the plans suffers defeat, another plan for destabilization is brought forward. All these plans are hatched and supported by the USA... even very openly.

The first plan was to impeach President Lukashenko, organized by all of the reactionary organizations, including the PCB. As this plan also suffered defeat, another plan was hatched to hold a referendum in which the right forces wanted to disband the Constitution and the post of the President. The people in November of 1996 voted in favor of the Constitution and again elected President Lukashenko. Then the reactionary forces demanded an election of the President. The Byelorussian people did not come to vote in this election.

Now, contrary to all logic and constitution, the West-supported forces, including the Party of Communists of Byelorussia demanded that the OBCE (European agency control) to have a meeting with the "illegal" President Lukashenko. The government of Byelorussia refused this mixing into the internal affairs of the country without the participation of other parties and organizations existing in Byelorussia. Instead, negotiations began in Istanbul, Turkey in order to solve these problems. The decision was made after the outcome of these talks, was the formation of a Democratic Institute of Public Life. This dialogue has already borne fruit and a coordinated change in the electoral system of Byelorussia by conducting in autumn of 2000 free democratic elections to the Byelorussian Parliament.

In that dialogue 110 parties and public organizations of Byelorussia took part, all the opposition forces boycotted this peoples forum. We expect new attempts to destabilize the political situation in Byelorussia by these opposition forces funded by the West. We know that West does not give money without these reactionary elements producing results... even though this money is being scattered by the wind without anyone knowing where it goes.

People of Byelorussia shall go on their chosen road with their national traditions and interests.

People Are Waking Up!

Mongolian People Again Routed Capitalist Reformers

In the election to the provincial and municipal governments that was held on October 1, Mongolian people have once again inflicted a crushing defeat to the pro-imperialist reformers. Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party won 552 of the total 695 seats. Earlier, in the Mongolian July 2 general elections to the Great Hural (parliament), the MPRP routed the Democratic Coalition, winning 72 out of 76 seats.

Mongolian people, knowing well the taste of bitter poison of neocolonial capitalism, have rejected it unambiguously.

From
Hammer & Sickle
Newspaper
Russia

"The CC AUCPB greets all the delegates and guests gathered at this youth section of the All Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.

Today, before all the young Bolsheviks there is a very much more complex and harder situation than there ever was for the young Bolsheviks during the first years of the Soviet State. Today's youth were brought up in a counterrevolutionary state and are daily under a constant ideological mind-twisting media that is controlled by the present bourgeoisie and is under the guidance and sponsorship of many foreign billionaires, such as the "Soros Fund", whose ideologues wrote, paid for and supplied all the textbooks that today's youth were brought up on in school. This Soros is a deadly enemy of anything that is connected with the Soviet Union or socialism.

Today's youth has hardly any opportunity to learn from or to even to read any Marxist literature or even the classics. Such books or literature have disappeared from all the public libraries Today's youth have never read or even studied the glorious history of the USSR! It is extremely hard therefore for the present youth to have any knowledge or experience of the past of our great Motherland.

After the death of J.V. Stalin the economic, cultural and political understanding became lost in a quagmire of changes, all leading to the present catastrophic situation we have today.

In today's situation, your work is extremely very difficult, but the ideas of Bolshevism must be promoted and explained by you, the future of our Socialist Motherland. Your energetic and patient work, your dedicated revolutionary zeal amongst the young generation must point to the eventual crash of capitalism as a system of exploitation and the rebirth of our great Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

You have to set an example to all youth in your life and actions, to show your dedication and leadership. To do this, you must know the history of the Soviet Union thoroughly and thus be able to defend its history against all lies and provocations.

Every success, no matter how small goes towards our main goal of the rebirth of the USSR.

We believe in you comrades, you, who will be our future vanguard and also on whose shoulders lies the future of our Motherland and of the working class of the world. You must be as brave and dedicated as our fathers and mothers were and as we the older generation are doing now.

Success to you in all of your work! 

Central Committee
All Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks

Nina Andreeva
General Secretary

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