Vladimir Nikiforov

On the 15-16 of July in Saint Petersburg several protest actions took place. The occasion for them was the so-called "Summit" held in the city’s suburbs. Representatives of left forces from the entire Russia started arriving in Saint Petersburg. However, the Russian authorities were preparing for these days as well in order not to allow anything similar to Genoa. It is not surprising that the police cordoned off the location of the Summit and even the local residents could get home only by showing a special ID. The representatives of the eight most developed countries have been hiding for a long time behind the backs of the police from the peoples they rob. This time the Russian authorities found their own know-how. Some of the most dedicated representatives of the left forces known to the police were detained before even reaching Saint Petersburg. The detentions were conducted across Russia with brazen disregard of the law. The Head of the Human Rights Council E. Pamfilova reported this. The problem is, this statement came out only after the Summit and, hence, did not carry any practical weight. As they say in Russia: "The train has left". According to the group of legal observers "Legal Team", published in the newspaper "Business Petersburg" on July 20^th 2006, 117 people were taken off the trains, 24 were detained preventively, 26 were made to sign a document about not leaving the city, 140 people were arrested for 3-15 days, 8 unauthorized searches of dwellings took place, literature was confiscated from 32 people. The leader of Petersburg branch of National-Bolshevik Party (NBP) A. Dmitriev was taken off the bus and kept in isolation for 3 days. Putin did not want to apply any repressive actions; however, he managed to show the real state of democracy in Russia through forceful suppression of the opponents of the current Russian regime. Nonetheless, they did not manage to capture all.

Another, more moderate in their political views, group of the Summit opponents decided to negotiate with the city authorities who, as a result, provided the city stadium on the outskirts for conducting the Social Forum. These protestors were also provided with tents, portable toilets, concessions with discount and police security. Governor of Saint Petersburg visited this camp of anti-globalists, expressing her motherly care and taking personal interest in the protestors’ well-being and comfort. Who would believe the organizers of the camp were people who earlier participated in protest action across Europe, from Genoa to recently in Athens.

The registered separate marches of both communists and anti-globalists downtown were forbidden "in order to prevent traffic problems". Even though Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) declared preparedness to march despite the government prohibition, however, it is doubtful they would move from their spot, as they were surrounded by police, and considering the not-so-young age of their members and calls by its leaders to maintain order. In the demonstration participated Russian Communist Workers’ Party (RCWP) and a number of left youth movements, such as Vanguard of Red Youth (AKM), National Bolshevik Party (NBP) and Left Front. There were only 50 of them, less than the well-trained anti-demonstration Special Police Regiments (OMON) and the infamously brutal torturers of the 18^th Department for Fighting Organized Crime (RUBOP), not to mention all the ordinary policemen. A column with red flags, led by youth activists, several times cut through the police chain. In the crowd, helping their masters, hastily rushing back and forth dressed in civil clothing were young servants of the ruling regime. After the demonstration departed for the main street, Nevski Prospect, police recognized three youth leaders, including AKM leader S. Udaltsov, by the photos they had studied in advance, captured them, while beating mercilessly, and threw them into the car. The protestors followed to the place of permitted rally. The rally was according to the well-rehearsed scenario, with numerous curses to the ruling regime. During the dismissal of the rally the leader of Left Front I. Ponomarev and his comrades were beaten and arrested.

Scattered actions of the opposition continued on Sunday. Limonov’s National Bolsheviks distributed leaflets. On the bridge close to the hotel where foreign media stayed the protestors hang a banner "Putin, leave on your own will". OMON police captured 30 anarchists who were trying to barricade Nevski Prospect. Another 60 anarchists managed to hold their demonstration. National Bolsheviks planned to capture the Battleship Aurora, but the police was well prepared for putting an end to the plan. These actions were disunited and were not mass.

What conclusions can one draw from these events?

1. Street protests are lead by youth organizations. They are free from compromise, not tied by any formal obligations to the ruling regime and in contrast to the official registered parties are ready for forceful resistance. The regime itself pushes youth in this direction by not allowing them official registration. Annually, a protest forum by the name anti-capitalism takes place, which always ends with police confrontations. In our case, 50 young people with minimum support from CPRF and RCWP managed to resist OMON and numerous police. It is noticeable, that ordinary policemen are not in a hurry to join the fight. They’d rather observe and appeal to the protestors verbally. The strength of the bourgeois Russian regime lies not in the army and police, but in the massive support by petty bourgeoisie, who make up a huge majority of the population.

2. The demonstrations could have been a lot more effective and powerful, if members of CPRF and RCWP who are majority in the demonstrations, supported youth. Even though our views may differ, we all have a common enemy – the fascist Russian state. It is our duty not to leave each other during the battles with the police and to achieve liberation of our comrades.

3. Organized workers do not participate in mass actions. The gap between the left protest movement and the workers movement is obvious. If the workers supported youth in their struggle, they could count on it in their struggle with capitalism. Youth actions are usually held under the logo: "Capitalism is shit". Not far is the day when the Russian state will take off its mask of democracy and will apply force against the workers. The workers must prepare to forceful resistance outside of the framework of bourgeois law.

4. The fate of "anti-globalists" who believed the government and remained on the stadium was sad. They got the cheese, but the mouse trap shut down on them. The "stadium-prison" they ended up being locked into was of Pinochet’s type. They were not allowed into the city. They were pitiful to look at behind the fence-bars under protection by the OMON police. They were so ashamed of their own stupidity that they left before the Social Forum ended.

Some media showed clashes of the demonstrators with the police. Many foreign correspondents were present claiming to be shocked by the police brutality.

With the worsening of the material situation more and more ordinary citizens will participate in the protests, which more and more frequently cross the borders of the law. This speaks about growing distrust of the regime and unwillingness to submit to the established laws. "The masses do not wish to continue living the old way".